[Last of 3-part series]
IN MY LAST POSTING, I wrote about the three forces who represent change in today’s condition. They are the masa who are composed of the laboring masses (the workers, farmers, the urban poor and rural poor), the nationalist soldiers (a.k.a. ‘military rebels’), and the sections of the middle classes which have been sliding down the pyramid of the class structure. The masa are not marginalized in terms of number; in fact, they constitute the majority of the population. Despite this, they are the politically and economically marginalized and disadvantaged sectors of society.
The three forces hanker for change in society. Their most politicized representatives have advanced different types of strategies to pursue changes in society. To realize these changes, they have to wrestle with the practical, but difficult, issue of capturing power from the hands of their class adversaries – the dominating sectors which kept them in perpetual misery and subjugation.
Struggle of the laboring masses
For the laboring masses, the struggle means forming unions and associations to defend their rights and advanced their welfare in society. During political convulsions, these oppressed groups can resort to earth-shaking actions, such as industrial strike, wildcat strikes, transport paralysis, demonstrations, street barricades and even people’s power mobilizations to bring down dictatorial and corrupt governments. Historically at its peak, the resistance of the laboring masses takes the form of widespread people’s uprisings which develop into armed resistance. This is what is usually pictured in our mind as the sweep of the revolution.
The radicalized masses of students and teachers have also used specific forms of struggle to air grievances and to protest against the system – through boycotts, street marchers, and at different junctures, takeover of school institutions. Who can forget the Diliman Commune, when the UP students, faculty and unions seized the state university for two weeks and armed only with pillboxes and Molotovs trounced the fully-equipped police and military attempting to crush the Commune?
Welgang bayan
During the height of the resistance against the Marcos dictatorship, apart from the guerrilla war in the rural areas, the struggle in the urban areas had taken the form of what activists called as “welgang bayan”. This is a combination of workers’ and jeepney drivers’ strikes, barricades and massive mobilization of people in the streets. The Edsa people’s power uprisings, which were characterized by people trooping to the Edsa camps (Edsa 1) and the Edsa shrine (Edsa 2 & 3), would pale in comparison with the welgang-bayan type of actions had the latter fully developed as a strategy of resistance.
Given that the two Edsas have failed to deliver meaningful changes in society, the agenda for social change have again taken the front seat. More and more people are realizing that a regime change, or the mere prospect of changing the president by another trapo, does not mean change at all. I am confident that the next street eruption will not be like the Edsa-type, but will be more likely to be a widespread welgang-bayan type of militant actions.
Kudeta or mutiny?
The military rebels, on the other hand, have used the strategy of military rebellion or mutiny to overthrow their superiors in the military and in the civilian government. These rebellions have swept a number of countries in Latin America, leading to the formation of military-led governments. These type of actions have not been successful in the Philippines – the army rebellion during Edsa 1 had to be buttressed by people’s power to survive; the succeeding series of rebellion (against the Edsa regimes of Cory Aquino and Fidel Ramos) had all failed.
However, some military rebels’ groups still put forward the strategy of coup d’etat cum uprising to draw in the entire military forces in the revolutionary project that will have the support of the masses. But while a coup d’etat might be the easiest way to break away from the present regime, the experiences of the military rebels themselves have shown them that a coup merely plays into the hands of the military hierarchy.
Ultimately, the only recourse left for the nationalist soldiers (as opposed to the anti-nationalist elite) would be to break away from the hierarchy and the chain of commands and develop their groups as alternative centers of military force that merge with the rebelling masses.
Election
The middle classes have not been seen as a revolutionary force. They are at most composed of forces who want to institute reforms in society. In this sense, they are the ones opening to the strategy of elections as the way to seek reforms in society. No wonder the emerging organizations of the middle classes today are spearheading the fight for “good government” and “good governance”.
However, we can orient ourselves to the lower sections of the middle classes who are also becoming radicalized by their continuing slide to the laboring sections. Their participation in the 2010 election can be turned into non-traditional forms, which means not only voting for non-trapo candidates during the election, but joining the mobilization in the streets and assisting the struggles of the basic sectors and the radicalized soldiers.
Strategies, rather than strategy
It is in this sense that it is hard to talk about a single strategy for change in today’s situation. Even the three major forces which aspire for systemic change and radical reforms in society are brandishing different variants of strategy that fit their class formation and political orientation – welgang bayan, mutiny and non-traditional elections.
I believe, however, that the three forces can come together to share each other’s struggles in order to develop a potent force that will have more chances of success in the immediate future. What is needed, however, is a political center that can combine all these strategies into a coherent plan that will advance the desired objective of dismantling trapo rule and installing the masa in power. #
Tuesday, May 26, 2009
Sunday, May 24, 2009
Building the Anti-Trapo Movement (2): Who are the Masa?
EX-PRESIDENT Joseph Estrada popularized the term masa. In fact, it became the name of his party, the Partido ng Masang Pilipino (PMP). But before this, masa was already popular among political activists. It symbolized the ‘basic masses’ of workers and peasants, and activists in rallies used to sing with gusto the Masa song which went like this: “Ang masa, ang masa lamang ang siyang tunay na bayani…”
If trapos (traditional politicians) represent the dominant class forces in society, the other side of the class divide is the masa. In building an anti-trapo movement, we are in fact advocating the defense of the masa.
Today’s masa represents the vast sectors of the laboring classes and the lower sections of the middle classes. The laboring classes are composed of the industrial and service workers, the urban poor and the so-called informal sectors, the peasants, the agricultural workers, and all those who have no ownership of the means of production. The middle classes are composed of the professionals such as doctors, lawyers, engineers; the small entrepreneurs; the higher-paid employees; the small government bureaucrats. The masa also includes the youth and students: the young people who are not yet part of the production process, but who are destined in general to become part of the laboring masses.
The masa represents the dominated sectors, as opposed to the dominating sectors which are the trapos and the elite. In today’s parlance, the masa is seen as the most oppressed, exploited sectors of society. Or, according to Hardt and Negri (The Empire), the ‘multitudes’ who are made up of all the economically and politically marginalized sectors of society.
In Marxist terms, the masa represents the proletariat and the semi-proletariat and the lower ranks of the petty-bourgeoisie. In political terms, the masa embodies the class alliance of the forces seeking change in today’s elite-dominated system. While the trapo embodies the status quo, the masa embodies change and represents the forces which stand to benefit from dismantling trapo rule.
Revolution for change
The anti-trapo, pro-masa movement is the character of an emerging broad mass movement that is opposed to elite rule and desirous of system change. This movement is not only anti-Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, but is opposed to the entire trapo-elite system. It is not only for regime change but for system change, a change from the rotten capitalist system (some call it semifeudal) towards a just and egalitarian system of society.
The over-all objective of the movement is the dismantling of trapo rule at all levels of state rule and institutions (from the “top-down”) and its replacement of the political rule of the masa, also at all levels of society. The ouster of trapo rule and the installation of genuine power by the masa reflect the political and class character of the struggle that all those seeking change should be waging today. Ousting the dominating class forces from power and installing the dominated class forces signifies revolutionary action, a genuine revolution for change.
Coalition of three forces
The anti-trapo, pro-masa movement can be built around the coalition of three forces that today forms the backbone of a new system replacing trapo rule. They are the laboring class forces, the radical and radicalizing soldiers (also called the ‘military rebels’), and the middle classes (especially those in the lower ranks). These three forces have every reason to join hands and unite around an anti-trapo, pro-masa movement.
The laboring classes, as previously mentioned, are the basic force of the masa, hence the basic force of the revolution for change.
The military rebels are a new phenomena. They have recently acquired a status of developing force in Philippine politics. Rebel officers and men of the AFP/PNP have formed themselves in groups which are calling for change in the military institutions, in the government and in society as a whole. These groups have been called, in general, the OMRs (organization of military reformers) which vary in their range of political vision and attitudes to revolutionary change. There are Right-wing groups that are formed around some generals and top brasses in the AFP/PNP. And there are radical groupings composed of junior officers and ordinary soldiers, for instance the Magdalo and the Para sa Bayan groups.
The differentiation between the top brass of the AFP/PNP, the junior officers and the rank-and-file soldiers also reflects the class stratification in the military hierarchy – the generals representing the ruling class; the junior officers, the middle classes; and the rank-and-file, the working class masses.
Lastly, the middle classes in the Philippine society are also becoming more and more disillusioned with the system of elite rule. They are a precarious force today. Majority of them are falling into the ranks of the working class masses as their businesses go bankrupt and their professions could not provide them the ample savings to earn capital and a comfortable living. They are composed of the growing number of professionals who have to leave the country to look for decent jobs abroad. They have correctly identified the problem of trapo rule and corruption as basic evils that have to be obliterated in society. This leads them to champion calls for good government/good governance in today’s elections.
Strategic movement for change
Hence, the anti-trapo, pro-masa movement is not only an electoral movement in time for the 2010 election. It is a strategic movement that represents the direction of the changes we want to put in place in our society. It is also strategic, in that it brings together the three major forces that aspire for systemic changes. The most politicized representatives of the three forces have pursued different strategies to advance their visions for change in society. But while they may vary in their strategies, they all can come together with unified goals and program under a broad anti-trapo, pro-masa movement.
[Next: Strategies for Change]
If trapos (traditional politicians) represent the dominant class forces in society, the other side of the class divide is the masa. In building an anti-trapo movement, we are in fact advocating the defense of the masa.
Today’s masa represents the vast sectors of the laboring classes and the lower sections of the middle classes. The laboring classes are composed of the industrial and service workers, the urban poor and the so-called informal sectors, the peasants, the agricultural workers, and all those who have no ownership of the means of production. The middle classes are composed of the professionals such as doctors, lawyers, engineers; the small entrepreneurs; the higher-paid employees; the small government bureaucrats. The masa also includes the youth and students: the young people who are not yet part of the production process, but who are destined in general to become part of the laboring masses.
The masa represents the dominated sectors, as opposed to the dominating sectors which are the trapos and the elite. In today’s parlance, the masa is seen as the most oppressed, exploited sectors of society. Or, according to Hardt and Negri (The Empire), the ‘multitudes’ who are made up of all the economically and politically marginalized sectors of society.
In Marxist terms, the masa represents the proletariat and the semi-proletariat and the lower ranks of the petty-bourgeoisie. In political terms, the masa embodies the class alliance of the forces seeking change in today’s elite-dominated system. While the trapo embodies the status quo, the masa embodies change and represents the forces which stand to benefit from dismantling trapo rule.
Revolution for change
The anti-trapo, pro-masa movement is the character of an emerging broad mass movement that is opposed to elite rule and desirous of system change. This movement is not only anti-Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, but is opposed to the entire trapo-elite system. It is not only for regime change but for system change, a change from the rotten capitalist system (some call it semifeudal) towards a just and egalitarian system of society.
The over-all objective of the movement is the dismantling of trapo rule at all levels of state rule and institutions (from the “top-down”) and its replacement of the political rule of the masa, also at all levels of society. The ouster of trapo rule and the installation of genuine power by the masa reflect the political and class character of the struggle that all those seeking change should be waging today. Ousting the dominating class forces from power and installing the dominated class forces signifies revolutionary action, a genuine revolution for change.
Coalition of three forces
The anti-trapo, pro-masa movement can be built around the coalition of three forces that today forms the backbone of a new system replacing trapo rule. They are the laboring class forces, the radical and radicalizing soldiers (also called the ‘military rebels’), and the middle classes (especially those in the lower ranks). These three forces have every reason to join hands and unite around an anti-trapo, pro-masa movement.
The laboring classes, as previously mentioned, are the basic force of the masa, hence the basic force of the revolution for change.
The military rebels are a new phenomena. They have recently acquired a status of developing force in Philippine politics. Rebel officers and men of the AFP/PNP have formed themselves in groups which are calling for change in the military institutions, in the government and in society as a whole. These groups have been called, in general, the OMRs (organization of military reformers) which vary in their range of political vision and attitudes to revolutionary change. There are Right-wing groups that are formed around some generals and top brasses in the AFP/PNP. And there are radical groupings composed of junior officers and ordinary soldiers, for instance the Magdalo and the Para sa Bayan groups.
The differentiation between the top brass of the AFP/PNP, the junior officers and the rank-and-file soldiers also reflects the class stratification in the military hierarchy – the generals representing the ruling class; the junior officers, the middle classes; and the rank-and-file, the working class masses.
Lastly, the middle classes in the Philippine society are also becoming more and more disillusioned with the system of elite rule. They are a precarious force today. Majority of them are falling into the ranks of the working class masses as their businesses go bankrupt and their professions could not provide them the ample savings to earn capital and a comfortable living. They are composed of the growing number of professionals who have to leave the country to look for decent jobs abroad. They have correctly identified the problem of trapo rule and corruption as basic evils that have to be obliterated in society. This leads them to champion calls for good government/good governance in today’s elections.
Strategic movement for change
Hence, the anti-trapo, pro-masa movement is not only an electoral movement in time for the 2010 election. It is a strategic movement that represents the direction of the changes we want to put in place in our society. It is also strategic, in that it brings together the three major forces that aspire for systemic changes. The most politicized representatives of the three forces have pursued different strategies to advance their visions for change in society. But while they may vary in their strategies, they all can come together with unified goals and program under a broad anti-trapo, pro-masa movement.
[Next: Strategies for Change]
Thursday, May 21, 2009
Building the Anti-Trapo, Pro-Masa Movement (1)
IT'S STILL a full year before the May 2010 elections, and yet there has been a mushrooming of political movements gearing up for this event. There is the RV (register and vote) movement spearheaded by Senator Kiko Pangilinan, the Change Politics movement by ‘civil’ society leader Dinky Soliman, the Ateneo’s leadership fora, and just recently, the Silent Society movement by some spiritual groups in the country. A number of these groups are vehicles for the candidacy of selected aspirants, while a few dabble in some ‘worthy causes’ that should be advanced to have a meaningful election.
It is to the cause of a worthwhile and meaningful election that we from various cause-oriented and civil society groups have come together to plan the formation of a broad anti-trapo, pro-masa movement. We have decided to launch the movement on June 1 at the grounds of the University of the Philippines, and we will have as speakers some of the non-trapo candidates like Fr. Ed ‘Among Ed’ Panlilio, and the spokesperson of Brig. Gen. Danilo Lim.
For those interested in the building of this anti-trapo, pro-masa movement, I will devote three consecutive write-ups on the what, why and how of this movement. And I urge the readers to contact me and perhaps join us in the endeavor, especially on the UP launching on June 1.
Who are the trapos
The word trapos have come to represent the ‘traditional politicians’ who wield the proverbial three Gs in order to keep themselves in power (guns, goons and gold). In its narrow meaning, the trapos are composed of the political representatives of the Filipino elite or ruling class. They are those who are in government specifically to serve the interests of the ruling class and their own rent-seeking interests. They are parasites who thrive on the patronage of big landowners and big capitalists and on corruption in the government and in all its agencies.
The trapos also represent the political clans in the Philippines, and the political dynasty that their clans have established in specific areas of the country for a number of years. Some clans have even been holding political power for centuries.
According to the Citizens Anti-Dynasty Movement, cited by Fel Maragay at Manila Standard (May 14, 2007), at least 119 families have ruled the political scene over the decades, surviving every change in administration.
Among the prominent old political dynasties or clans in the country are the Ortegas of La Union, the Dys of Isabela, the Marcoses of Ilocos Norte, the Singsons of Ilocos Sur, the Josons of Nueva Ecija, the Romans of Bataan, Magsaysays of Zambales, the Cojuangcos and Aquinos of Tarlac, the Fuentebellas of Camarines Norte, the Dimaporos of Lanao del Sur, the Osmeñas of Cebu, the Espinosas of Masbate, the Rectos of Batangas, the Gordons of Zambales, the Plazas of Agusan, the Duranos of Danao City, the Antoninos of General Santos, and the Lobregats of Zamboanga City and Cerilleses of Zamboanga del Sur.
In recent years new dynasties have emerged like the Estradas of San Juan, Arroyos of Pampanga and Negros Occidental, Angaras of Aurora, the Defensors of Iloilo and Quezon City, the Suarezes of Quezon, the Villafuertes of Camarines Sur, Villarosas of Mindoro Occidental, Espinas of Biliran, Ampatuans of Mindanao, and Akbars of Basilan.”
In most cases the families who wield political power are also those which control the country’s economic resources (landholdings, haciendas, factories, businesses). There are families, however, who are part of the economic elite but do not join the political fray, like the Zobels and the Ayalas. They’re part of the oligarchy which has frontmen in the political scene, and which spends a lot of ‘protection money’ to safeguard their interests.
Trapolitos/trapolitas
There may be newly-emerging trapos (like the scions of the political clans, the trapolitos and the trapolitas) who have not been involved in any traditional political and corrupt activities, and who therefore resist the tag of belonging to the trapos. Although the tag may not seem to fit them yet as individuals, they are trapos in the sense of being members of the class/clans which rose to power to perpetrate elite rule in the country.
While the trapos are pictured to be as the most corrupt and warlord-like representatives of the elite, the word is really synonymous to the domination of the economy and politics by a few elite families in the country. Some of the elite may be benign and modernizing, but they are trapos nonetheless as they represent the dominant forces in a system that oppresses and marginalizes the broad masses.
The padrino system
The trapo system also refers to the padrino system, the patronage system, the personality-centered system, and the transactional system that politicians use to remain in power. Because the trapos do not really solve the country’s problems, and in fact represent the problem, the only way it can keep its hold on power is to perpetuate a system where favor is dispensed selectively to its wards and followers.
The trapos represent the elite system and come from the ranks of the elite forces. If they don’t come from the clan, then they must have given their services to any elite group to maintain their hold on power.
The growing disgust of the population against the trapos comes from the long pent-up anger of the masa against the dominant forces whom they correctly recognize as the perpetrators of their exploitation and oppression. It does not merely come from the revulsion of the masa against government bureaucrats, but from a gut reaction to the dominant class forces which monopolize the country’s resources and keep the majority in perpetual poverty. This aspect of the masa’s rejection of elite rule is the main point that we want to cultivate in building the anti-trapo movement.
It is clear as day that in the coming elections, the field is once more dominated by the trapo candidates. The old elite names have lined up to offer their services to the masa. The dynasties of the Villars, Roxases, Estradas, Escuderos, continue…
[Next, Who are the Masa?]
It is to the cause of a worthwhile and meaningful election that we from various cause-oriented and civil society groups have come together to plan the formation of a broad anti-trapo, pro-masa movement. We have decided to launch the movement on June 1 at the grounds of the University of the Philippines, and we will have as speakers some of the non-trapo candidates like Fr. Ed ‘Among Ed’ Panlilio, and the spokesperson of Brig. Gen. Danilo Lim.
For those interested in the building of this anti-trapo, pro-masa movement, I will devote three consecutive write-ups on the what, why and how of this movement. And I urge the readers to contact me and perhaps join us in the endeavor, especially on the UP launching on June 1.
Who are the trapos
The word trapos have come to represent the ‘traditional politicians’ who wield the proverbial three Gs in order to keep themselves in power (guns, goons and gold). In its narrow meaning, the trapos are composed of the political representatives of the Filipino elite or ruling class. They are those who are in government specifically to serve the interests of the ruling class and their own rent-seeking interests. They are parasites who thrive on the patronage of big landowners and big capitalists and on corruption in the government and in all its agencies.
The trapos also represent the political clans in the Philippines, and the political dynasty that their clans have established in specific areas of the country for a number of years. Some clans have even been holding political power for centuries.
According to the Citizens Anti-Dynasty Movement, cited by Fel Maragay at Manila Standard (May 14, 2007), at least 119 families have ruled the political scene over the decades, surviving every change in administration.
Among the prominent old political dynasties or clans in the country are the Ortegas of La Union, the Dys of Isabela, the Marcoses of Ilocos Norte, the Singsons of Ilocos Sur, the Josons of Nueva Ecija, the Romans of Bataan, Magsaysays of Zambales, the Cojuangcos and Aquinos of Tarlac, the Fuentebellas of Camarines Norte, the Dimaporos of Lanao del Sur, the Osmeñas of Cebu, the Espinosas of Masbate, the Rectos of Batangas, the Gordons of Zambales, the Plazas of Agusan, the Duranos of Danao City, the Antoninos of General Santos, and the Lobregats of Zamboanga City and Cerilleses of Zamboanga del Sur.
In recent years new dynasties have emerged like the Estradas of San Juan, Arroyos of Pampanga and Negros Occidental, Angaras of Aurora, the Defensors of Iloilo and Quezon City, the Suarezes of Quezon, the Villafuertes of Camarines Sur, Villarosas of Mindoro Occidental, Espinas of Biliran, Ampatuans of Mindanao, and Akbars of Basilan.”
In most cases the families who wield political power are also those which control the country’s economic resources (landholdings, haciendas, factories, businesses). There are families, however, who are part of the economic elite but do not join the political fray, like the Zobels and the Ayalas. They’re part of the oligarchy which has frontmen in the political scene, and which spends a lot of ‘protection money’ to safeguard their interests.
Trapolitos/trapolitas
There may be newly-emerging trapos (like the scions of the political clans, the trapolitos and the trapolitas) who have not been involved in any traditional political and corrupt activities, and who therefore resist the tag of belonging to the trapos. Although the tag may not seem to fit them yet as individuals, they are trapos in the sense of being members of the class/clans which rose to power to perpetrate elite rule in the country.
While the trapos are pictured to be as the most corrupt and warlord-like representatives of the elite, the word is really synonymous to the domination of the economy and politics by a few elite families in the country. Some of the elite may be benign and modernizing, but they are trapos nonetheless as they represent the dominant forces in a system that oppresses and marginalizes the broad masses.
The padrino system
The trapo system also refers to the padrino system, the patronage system, the personality-centered system, and the transactional system that politicians use to remain in power. Because the trapos do not really solve the country’s problems, and in fact represent the problem, the only way it can keep its hold on power is to perpetuate a system where favor is dispensed selectively to its wards and followers.
The trapos represent the elite system and come from the ranks of the elite forces. If they don’t come from the clan, then they must have given their services to any elite group to maintain their hold on power.
The growing disgust of the population against the trapos comes from the long pent-up anger of the masa against the dominant forces whom they correctly recognize as the perpetrators of their exploitation and oppression. It does not merely come from the revulsion of the masa against government bureaucrats, but from a gut reaction to the dominant class forces which monopolize the country’s resources and keep the majority in perpetual poverty. This aspect of the masa’s rejection of elite rule is the main point that we want to cultivate in building the anti-trapo movement.
It is clear as day that in the coming elections, the field is once more dominated by the trapo candidates. The old elite names have lined up to offer their services to the masa. The dynasties of the Villars, Roxases, Estradas, Escuderos, continue…
[Next, Who are the Masa?]
Saturday, May 9, 2009
The Real SWINEs and the FLU
By scrapping the national day of celebration for Pacquiao’s victory (originally set on Friday) and resetting it on Monday, the government makes the point that the Pacman is not exempted from doing the “precautionary measures” necessary to prevent the outbreak of the swine flu virus in the Philippines.
The government sought the counsel of the World Health Organization which immediately advised Pacquiao to spend five more days abroad rather than going back on Friday. To everybody’s cheers, the Pacman promptly defied the advice, flew in on Friday, went to a mass, graced a mall show, and is now happily awaiting the Monday rituals.
If Pacquio, who’s now a world-renowned prized possession of the country, is not exempted from the measures, how come the likes of Environment Lito Atienza and a number of Filipino officials who came from Las Vegas for the fight did not go through the same precautions? (Most of us, by the way, only found out that Atienza just arrived from the US when he boasted in the papers that he just went through normal “screening” at the airport on his arrival.)
While we’re at it, why is ENVIRONMENT Secretary Lito Atienza strutting around like a perennial alalay to the Pacman? Pacquiao is doing his job, but is Atienza doing his? Atienza had been in a spin days before Pacquiao’s homecoming, precisely during those days when the country was battered north to south by typhoons, landslides and floodings. In Hubo, Sorsogon, 18 people died in a landslide at the height of storm “Dante”. There are now cracks in the hills surrounding a number of villages in the south, and the local government has been asking for support to relocate 4,000 people. In the north, typhoon “Emong” already killed 26 people. In Ifugao alone, mudslides killed 9 people and blocked 80% of the roads.
People are dying almost like flies, especially those living in makeshift houses and in areas with scant support from the government. Of course, we could not prevent typhoons from coming, but at least we could prevent mudslides and landslides, and we could reinforce the barungbarongs of our hapless citizens if we want to. But apart from a thousand hosannas to Pacquiao, Atienza hasn’t said a word of environmental concern to the people dying.
If the problem is the possibility of an outbreak of swine flu from the USA, why is there not even an oink from the government about the swines from Congress who flew to Las Vegas and back? How many were the swines? Before the fight, the media reported that some 50 congressmen were set to go to Vegas, although they only mentioned Speaker Prospero Nograles, Representatives Al Francis Bichara of Albay, Bienvenido Abante of Manila, and Eric Singson of Ilocos Norte. There was a mention of Representative Monico Puentevella of Bacolod who would be in Vegas for the Bombo Radyo.
We, the ordinary people, have to right to know who are these congressmen and government officials who have not been named by media. We want to give them our unmentionable comments too. Whether they use their own money or their pork barrel is of no consequence, because at this time of unmitigated economic crisis, this is – to say the least – an ostentatious display of privilege and power. To say more, it’s really obscene. They are parading themselves not as leaders of the nation, but as real swines in the pigsty that is now Congress.
While we’re at swines, let us now turn to the swine flu. The Avaaz, an independent NGO based in Europe and New York, reported that while no one knows whether the swine flu will become a global pandemic, it is becoming clear where it came from. And they pointed to giant pig factory farms run by Smithfield Corporation, a US multinational corporation in Veracruz, Mexico.
Avaaz pointed to Smithfield, the largest pig producer in the world, as the source of the A(H1N1) outbreak. Smithfield crammed thousands of pigs into dirty warehouses and sprayed with a cocktail of drugs which poses health risks to food and environment. Avaaz said that the vast pool of manure accumulated by the giant pigsty created the conditions for breeding new viruses like the swine flu.
Avaaz also reported that Smithfield has already been fined $12.6 million and is currently under another federal investigation in the US for toxic environmental damage from accumulated pig excrement.
Like everyone else, we dread the spread of the swine flu virus. We’ve got to do something to stop it. But we also must stop the real swines from either stealing our money or wasting the country’s resources so they can live like kings and enjoy a front view seat in luxurious Las Vegas during a historic Pacquiao fight – while we the people die like flies during routine typhoon visits. #
The government sought the counsel of the World Health Organization which immediately advised Pacquiao to spend five more days abroad rather than going back on Friday. To everybody’s cheers, the Pacman promptly defied the advice, flew in on Friday, went to a mass, graced a mall show, and is now happily awaiting the Monday rituals.
If Pacquio, who’s now a world-renowned prized possession of the country, is not exempted from the measures, how come the likes of Environment Lito Atienza and a number of Filipino officials who came from Las Vegas for the fight did not go through the same precautions? (Most of us, by the way, only found out that Atienza just arrived from the US when he boasted in the papers that he just went through normal “screening” at the airport on his arrival.)
While we’re at it, why is ENVIRONMENT Secretary Lito Atienza strutting around like a perennial alalay to the Pacman? Pacquiao is doing his job, but is Atienza doing his? Atienza had been in a spin days before Pacquiao’s homecoming, precisely during those days when the country was battered north to south by typhoons, landslides and floodings. In Hubo, Sorsogon, 18 people died in a landslide at the height of storm “Dante”. There are now cracks in the hills surrounding a number of villages in the south, and the local government has been asking for support to relocate 4,000 people. In the north, typhoon “Emong” already killed 26 people. In Ifugao alone, mudslides killed 9 people and blocked 80% of the roads.
People are dying almost like flies, especially those living in makeshift houses and in areas with scant support from the government. Of course, we could not prevent typhoons from coming, but at least we could prevent mudslides and landslides, and we could reinforce the barungbarongs of our hapless citizens if we want to. But apart from a thousand hosannas to Pacquiao, Atienza hasn’t said a word of environmental concern to the people dying.
If the problem is the possibility of an outbreak of swine flu from the USA, why is there not even an oink from the government about the swines from Congress who flew to Las Vegas and back? How many were the swines? Before the fight, the media reported that some 50 congressmen were set to go to Vegas, although they only mentioned Speaker Prospero Nograles, Representatives Al Francis Bichara of Albay, Bienvenido Abante of Manila, and Eric Singson of Ilocos Norte. There was a mention of Representative Monico Puentevella of Bacolod who would be in Vegas for the Bombo Radyo.
We, the ordinary people, have to right to know who are these congressmen and government officials who have not been named by media. We want to give them our unmentionable comments too. Whether they use their own money or their pork barrel is of no consequence, because at this time of unmitigated economic crisis, this is – to say the least – an ostentatious display of privilege and power. To say more, it’s really obscene. They are parading themselves not as leaders of the nation, but as real swines in the pigsty that is now Congress.
While we’re at swines, let us now turn to the swine flu. The Avaaz, an independent NGO based in Europe and New York, reported that while no one knows whether the swine flu will become a global pandemic, it is becoming clear where it came from. And they pointed to giant pig factory farms run by Smithfield Corporation, a US multinational corporation in Veracruz, Mexico.
Avaaz pointed to Smithfield, the largest pig producer in the world, as the source of the A(H1N1) outbreak. Smithfield crammed thousands of pigs into dirty warehouses and sprayed with a cocktail of drugs which poses health risks to food and environment. Avaaz said that the vast pool of manure accumulated by the giant pigsty created the conditions for breeding new viruses like the swine flu.
Avaaz also reported that Smithfield has already been fined $12.6 million and is currently under another federal investigation in the US for toxic environmental damage from accumulated pig excrement.
Like everyone else, we dread the spread of the swine flu virus. We’ve got to do something to stop it. But we also must stop the real swines from either stealing our money or wasting the country’s resources so they can live like kings and enjoy a front view seat in luxurious Las Vegas during a historic Pacquiao fight – while we the people die like flies during routine typhoon visits. #
Monday, May 4, 2009
Pacquiao Running
Immediately after becoming a world boxing legend through an electrifying and quick knockout of British boxer Hatton, Pacquio is in the news again. Yes, he’s running again as a Congress representative or, this time around, a mayor in
Remember that this will be the second time around the Pacman will run in the elections. The last time he ran for a congressional seat in 2007, he was roundly defeated by then incumbent Darlene Antonino-Custodio who chalked up almost double the votes of the Pacman.
What is the problem of Pacquiao running?
Bayan Muna party-list representative Teddy Casiño said Pacquiao should train first for the “rigors of politics”, especially lawmaking. Other politicians have advised him to drop the idea of aspiring for a political seat and concentrate instead on his boxing where he’s really “good at”.
I really don’t think the Pacman will not be up to the so-called rigors of politics. Pacman is not as brainless as other congressmen and senators who could not even get to enact a worthwhile bill in Congress. His boxing records are not merely the efforts of a brawnie in the ring; it has intellectual planning and style that is sometimes likened to Muhammad Ali’s.
The real problem with Pacquiao is his kind of politics. He has allowed himself to be used by the corrupt, greedy and ineffectual trapos lording it over the Malacanang palace, Congress and the local governments. To see Pacquiao almost sheepishly being paraded around by GMA and the First Husband, DENR Secretary Lito Atienza, and the likes, is revolting. What makes it disturbing is that Pacquiao, despite his worldwide acumen, grit and charisma, has allowed himself to become a mere spectacle for the trapos.
Why can’t he be like his champion Muhammad Ali? Ali won the respect and accolade of the people worldwide not only because of his fighting style, but because he represented the underdogs in a society ruled by white imperialist masters. As an Olympics gold medalist in the early 1960s (100 wins, 5 losses), Ali was reported to have thrown away his gold medal in the
In the late 1960s, Ali refused to be drafted in the
So the problem is not Pacquiao’s inability to comprehend the role of a legislator or a local official. The problem is on which side of the fence he’s sitting on. With the company he keeps today, with nary a pronouncement on what’s wrong with the present regime and the present system, the Pacman is clearly not championing the cause of the masses. #
Looking for an Anti-Trapo Leader
Today, we have a discussion with the supporters of Eddie "Among Ed" Panlilio, the governor of Pampanga who won in the 2007 elections through a spectacular show of local people's power. Among Ed defeated two trapo (traditional politicians) candidates who had the support of not three, but five "Gs" (guns, goons, golds, Gloria, and gambling lords).
Is it possible to replicate Among Ed's local victory at a national scale in the coming 2010 elections? The coming elections are destined to be a non-traditional one. There is so much disgust against the GMA administration and the regime that it represents. Gloria is the quintessential trapo. She fully exposed the rottenness of the trapo system, so much so that all the other trapos, eagerly awaiting their turn to replace her, will face bourgeoining public disapproval in the coming polls.
It means that in the 2010 elections, the people are becoming ready for a non-trapo alternative leader. There is not much excitement generated by the parading candidates offering their bids at presidency in 2010: Chiz Escudero, so young, yet so trapo; Manny Villar, yet another trapo; Mar Roxas, budding trapo; Erap Estrada, been-there trapo.
We agree that Among Ed represents a new high for the people who are starting to understand the need to repudiate trapo rule.
But a national fight for the presidential post cannot be compared to a local people's power upsurge. There should be a national upsurge that can generate widespread excitement among the population.
And for this, we need the support of various forces that want meaningful reforms in the government. Forces who are ready to fight trapo rule.
We told Among Ed's supporters that we need the coalition of three forces in order to win. They are the forces representing the working class masses, the forces of the military rebels, and the forces of the rising middle classes. These are the coalition of forces that also made possible the victory of progressive and socialist leaders in Latin America -- in Venezuela, Bolivia, Paraguay, Nicaragua, El Salvador.
A number of organized groups representing the three forces should come together to form a broad anti-trapo movement that can be the backbone of resistance against trapo rule. The working class masses are represented by various sectoral organizations among workers, urban poor dwellers, peasants, youth and women. These are the groups that also comprise the newly-formed Partido Lakas ng Masa.
The military rebels are also represented by reform-oriented groups in the AFP and PNP whose leaders are still languishing in jails because of failed attempts to oust GMA from power. The rebels, calling themselves the "nationalist soldiers of the people" have come to realize that the problem lies not only with GMA, but with the "anti-nationalist elite" and the rotten political system. The nationalist soldiers are united in supporting Brig. Gen. Danilo Lim as the man who should take the mantle of leadership from the corrupt, arrogant and Quisling leader in Malacanang.
The middle classes are starting to organize into a number of groups that support the likes of Among Ed, Chief Justice Renato Puno, and Gov. Grace Padaca. Although they are small in numbers, they are emboldened by the possibility that non-trapo candidates who represent "good government" can make it in 2010. Some of the groups representing the middle class sectors are Kaya Natin, MP3, and PAX.
During the discussion, Among Ed supporters asked what would happen if we could not unite on who should be our standard-bearer for 2010. Our advise is to keep the negotiations open on who should represent the three forces during the election. It is still early to make this decision.
What is important right now is to start building the movement that will be the backbone of the anti-trapo resistance. The organizations belonging to the three forces should kick-start the formation of the anti-trapo movement. It should clarify its objectives (dismantle trapo rule and install a non-trapo government from "top-down"), and the urgent demands that will constitute its platform of governance. Once the movement is launched, then it can start the negotiations on who could be anointed as the standard-bearer of the organization, the leader that could command the respect and support of the masses. #
Is it possible to replicate Among Ed's local victory at a national scale in the coming 2010 elections? The coming elections are destined to be a non-traditional one. There is so much disgust against the GMA administration and the regime that it represents. Gloria is the quintessential trapo. She fully exposed the rottenness of the trapo system, so much so that all the other trapos, eagerly awaiting their turn to replace her, will face bourgeoining public disapproval in the coming polls.
It means that in the 2010 elections, the people are becoming ready for a non-trapo alternative leader. There is not much excitement generated by the parading candidates offering their bids at presidency in 2010: Chiz Escudero, so young, yet so trapo; Manny Villar, yet another trapo; Mar Roxas, budding trapo; Erap Estrada, been-there trapo.
We agree that Among Ed represents a new high for the people who are starting to understand the need to repudiate trapo rule.
But a national fight for the presidential post cannot be compared to a local people's power upsurge. There should be a national upsurge that can generate widespread excitement among the population.
And for this, we need the support of various forces that want meaningful reforms in the government. Forces who are ready to fight trapo rule.
We told Among Ed's supporters that we need the coalition of three forces in order to win. They are the forces representing the working class masses, the forces of the military rebels, and the forces of the rising middle classes. These are the coalition of forces that also made possible the victory of progressive and socialist leaders in Latin America -- in Venezuela, Bolivia, Paraguay, Nicaragua, El Salvador.
A number of organized groups representing the three forces should come together to form a broad anti-trapo movement that can be the backbone of resistance against trapo rule. The working class masses are represented by various sectoral organizations among workers, urban poor dwellers, peasants, youth and women. These are the groups that also comprise the newly-formed Partido Lakas ng Masa.
The military rebels are also represented by reform-oriented groups in the AFP and PNP whose leaders are still languishing in jails because of failed attempts to oust GMA from power. The rebels, calling themselves the "nationalist soldiers of the people" have come to realize that the problem lies not only with GMA, but with the "anti-nationalist elite" and the rotten political system. The nationalist soldiers are united in supporting Brig. Gen. Danilo Lim as the man who should take the mantle of leadership from the corrupt, arrogant and Quisling leader in Malacanang.
The middle classes are starting to organize into a number of groups that support the likes of Among Ed, Chief Justice Renato Puno, and Gov. Grace Padaca. Although they are small in numbers, they are emboldened by the possibility that non-trapo candidates who represent "good government" can make it in 2010. Some of the groups representing the middle class sectors are Kaya Natin, MP3, and PAX.
During the discussion, Among Ed supporters asked what would happen if we could not unite on who should be our standard-bearer for 2010. Our advise is to keep the negotiations open on who should represent the three forces during the election. It is still early to make this decision.
What is important right now is to start building the movement that will be the backbone of the anti-trapo resistance. The organizations belonging to the three forces should kick-start the formation of the anti-trapo movement. It should clarify its objectives (dismantle trapo rule and install a non-trapo government from "top-down"), and the urgent demands that will constitute its platform of governance. Once the movement is launched, then it can start the negotiations on who could be anointed as the standard-bearer of the organization, the leader that could command the respect and support of the masses. #
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